Reagan's Double Standard on Human Rights

The State Department's 1982 Human Rights Report is a flawed and inconsistent document. In the recently released report, entitled Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1982, the Administration conveniently misrepresents or disregards blatant human rights violations in those countries deemed "friendly" to the United States, such as Guatemala. Argentina, El Salvador, Chile, the Phillipines, and South Korea, while characteristically focusing on the human rights abuses committed in the U.S.S.R. and Soviet bloc countries.

In this more than 1300-page publication, containing up-to-date reports on human rights conditions in 162 nations, the Administration, sacrifices accuracy and consistency for purposes of political expediency. The report evinces Reagan's constant attempt to legitimize those international political goals grounded in his fundamental anti-Communist--or, more broadly, anti-leftist--foreign policy stance.

The report also demonstrates the inherently contradictory and ineffectual nature of the Reagan human rights policy. The introduction to this and last years' reports explains the double standard applied: "With friendly countries, we prefer to use diplomacy, not public pronouncements," and "A consistent and serious policy for human rights must counter the U.S.S.R. politically and bring Soviet-bloc human rights violations to the attention of the world over and over again." The Reagan Administration's policy of openly condemning human rights violations in Soviet-aligned nations--or in those alleged to be under Soviet control--while quietly applying diplomatic pressure on repressive U.S. allies is an untenable one. An effective human rights policy would utilize completely the opposite tactics, since the U.S. naturally has greater leverage in promoting human rights through open criticism and economic sanction with those nations that are close allies, not with those that are our military and ideological opponents.

Thus, the Reagan Administration's human rights policy is not really designed to further human rights, but serves to validate the basic foreign policy goal of fighting leftist power worldwide. To this end, substantial American military and economic aid is needed to support those governments which are actively combating leftist elements, no matter how repressive such regimes may be. For, as the Reagan Administration has concluded (reinforced by the example of Nicaragua), the alternative to those regimes may be much worse.

A closer examination of the report makes this policy quite evident. The report on Guatemala states.

In Guatemala's cities there has been a marked decrease in killings and disappearances since Rios Montt came to power. Guerrilla violence against those suspected of aiding or supporting the government reportedly increased. Clear attribution of responsibility for the deaths of civilians in the areas of conflict is difficult.

In fact, the Guatemalan military and right-wing paramilitary forces aligned with it have been responsible for the great majority of civilian deaths in the country. The military continues its brutal terrorizing of Indian villages in several provinces. Last November, the government bombed the villages of Montecristo and Bulaj, destroying 85 homes. Members of the Special Forces--a right-wing security force--then massacred at least 36 people. In the face of this and other such well-documented atrocities, the U.S. continues to support Rios Montt, the new Guatemalan President, and states that future human rights improvement is contingent upon the military government's victory over the leftist insurgents:

If the guerrillas are overcome and Government efforts to improve the conduct of the Armed Forces continue, the [human rights] outlook is positive.

Such statements provide justification for increased aid and arms sales to the Guatemalan government. In January 1983, Reagan lifted an arms embargo--in effect since 1978--allowing the brutal Rios Montt regime to purchase $6.3 million in arms from the U.S.

The report on Argentina also contains serious distortions and factual errors. It is not true, for example, that since the ascension of General Bigone to the presidency. "The press has been less inhibited in 1982 than at any time since the early 1970's." In fact, the press was far more free and represented a wider spectrum of political opinion after the national elections of 1973. The Argentine government continued to harass journalists in 1982, and during the Falkland-Malvinas crisis, three British correspondents were incarcerated on "espionage" charges.

It is unsure that "there was no evidence of disappearance in 1982," as the report states Ricardo Rene Haidar, a guerrilla leader of the Montenegro revolutionary opposition, was abducted in Buenos Aires last December. He has not been accounted for, and La Prensa--the largest newspaper in Argentina--has reported that he has been executed by security forces.

The State Department report attributes incidents of political violence to "uncontrolled elements...operating without the sanction of the Government." However, the Argentina regime cannot escape responsibility for such right-wing security forces as long as they continue operating without government efforts to discourage them. The State of Siege, in effect since 1974, continues to be enforced in Argentina, allowing the government arbitrarily to detain people for indefinite periods without due process, and to restrict the exercise of fundamental rights.

About the situation in El Salvador, the report states that the country is "in transition to a multi-party democracy" and that "there were signs of [human rights] improvement throughout the year." These statements are necessary in order to comply with the 1981 Act of Congress which stipulates the President must show that the government is bringing "an end to the indiscriminate torture and murder of Salvadorean Citizens." Thus, the Report states. "There was a significant decrease in political violence in 1982." This may be true, but political killings, torture and disappearances continued at high levels in 1982. Twenty-six members of ANDES, the national teachers union were abducted on August 20, and late tortured and imprisoned. Eight labor leaders and six members of the revolutionary opposition disappeared in mid-October.

In spite of these and hundreds of other incidents that can be attributed directly to the Salvadorean government the State Department continues to report that "Whether the Government beats full responsibility for the crimes of certain rightist elements is difficult to establish. To many observers, it is even more difficult to establish that El Salvador has made any substantial human rights progress in 1982. However, the president has duly certified that the government of Roberto d'Aubuisson is fully eligible to receive approximately $125 million in direct military aid in fiscal year 1983.

In the long run, a strong and principled human rights policy benefits the security interests of the United States. As it is written in the introduction to the 1982 Human Rights Report.

Our most stable, reliable allies are democracies. Our reputation among the people in important countries that are dictatorships will suffer if we come to be associated not with liberty, but with despotism.

In light of the political consequences of United States support for such leaders as the Shah of Iran and General Somoza in Nicaragua, the Reagan Administration would be well-advised to follow its own advice.

Ann Park '84 majors in Social Studies and is a member of Harvard's chapter of Amnesty International.