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Faubus in Fierce Fight

By Mark H. Odonoghue

(Special to the CRIMSON)

LITTLE ROCK, Ark Aug. 7-With slightly more than two weeks remaining before the primary elections here, former Governor Orval E. Faubus is the clear favorite for the Democratic nomination to oppose Republican Governor Winthrop Rockefeller in the general election this fall.

Faubus, who before the advent of George Wallace and Sen. Strom Thurmond was the premier symbol of Southern racial segregation, retired in 1966 to manage Dogpatch, U. S. A., and to divorce his wife for a woman 30 years his junior.

Now, after four years of Republican rule under Rockefeller, "the old country school teacher" is attempting to regain the position he held for a record 12 years, from 1954 to 1966.

When he stepped down, his popularity was acknowledged to be as high as ever. He had defeated Rockefeller handily two years before and swamped all challengers within his party.

But his announcement this year stirred many to speculate that his strength had been damaged by revelations of illegal gambling, corruption, and a barbaric prison system.

Stigma

The strongly religious country people who had been the bulwark of his support, they said, would be offended by his divorce and remarriage, and the younger voters, tired of the stigma Arkansas acquired for the Little Rock school crisis of 1957, would reject his old brand of polities.

Perhaps sensing the multitude of unknown factors, eight other Democrats, ranging from one end of the political spectrum to the other, announced their candidacies as well and began their summer campaigns aimed at the August 25 primary.

Even with his divorce, his vulnerable record, and his eight opponents-all of whom have made Faubus an issue in one way or another-the 63-year-old former governor has emerged over the last two months as the unmistalkable front runner.

The latest poll released by his principal challenger, state Rep. Hayes MeClerkin, shows Faubus with 40 per cent of the vote, McClerkin with 14 per cent, state Attorney General Joe Purcell with 11 per cent, and the rest with under five per cent. Almost 20 per cent were undecided, however.

Much more indicative of his strength is the increased barrage of attacks on Faubus by his opponents who in the last two weeks have virtually ignored Rockefeller who should be very vulnerable in this overwhelmingly Democratic state.

None of them hanp unduly on Faubus's handling of the Little Rock school incident of 1957. If they do, they take care to stress the unwanted notoriety he gained for the state and Little Rock. They know that his popularity was never stronger than in the years following the crisis and they know that Rockefeller has a prior claim on the black vote.

Through all of this Rockefeller has been conducting a subdued primary campaign against three very unformidable opponents. He virtually is the Republican party in Arkansas, having personally financed it for years and built his own tenuous alliance of blacks, stalwart Republicans, white moderates, and liberal Democrats.

Of his three opponents, two are over 60 and one is black. The former-a Baptist radio preacher known as "Uncle Mac" and a perennial candidate distinguished by the fact that he is on Social Security-are both former Democrats, believed hy many to have been planted by Democrats.

The black candidate, 34-year-old college president Rev. R. J. Hampton, is backed by Faubus's chief financial supporter and has ties with the conservative wing of the state Republican party usually at odds with Rockefeller.

While Hampton may attract a portion of the black vote that Rockefeller relies on so heavily, no one even mentions the possibility that the "WR," as he is known throughout the state, will not win the primary.

His campaign will begin when the Democrats have finished their little wars and it promises to be an extravagant, high-powered affair, financed out of his private fortune.

Faubus, if he wins, should be at no financial disadvantage, however; he will be able to call on his old supporters, who include the wealthiest businessmen in the state, to fill his campaign needs.

For Rockefeller, who said in his first campaign that he would not serve more than two terms, this will surely be his last race.

A mixture of pride, the pleasure of being governor, and perhaps a sense of duty have motivated him to try for a third term in office, but when he retires to his ranch in northern Arkansas, his unique position within the state-a blend of aristocrat, philanthropist, business leader, and politician-should allow him to exert his presence long after he is governor.

State Love

He came to the state in 1949, so the story goes, and "fell in love" with the country. He stayed, established business interests, took part in state government (ironically under the auspices of Faubus at first), and finally became governor, reviving the Republican party on the way.

Now he is preparing for what he believes, and publicly says he hopes, will be a face-to-face encounter with Faubus in the general election.

In one, sense, the election here is an endmtozian era of Arkansas politics. Faubus is 63, his hair is dyed, and he is slightly stooped over. He is as fiery and as eloquent as ever, and he is surely the most masterful campaigner of all' 13 candidates, but if he does not win this election, he will never again be a force in state politics.

Rockefeller is 56, but he is not a healthy man, overweight and shortwinded. He is not a good speaker and he will rely on his sophisticated computers, TV ads, and giant organization to win him votes in this final campaign.

In a state which voted for George Wallace, Sen. J. W. Fulbright, and Winthrop Rockefeller in the same year-1968-it is difficult to estimate just what the result will be, especially so early in the year.

But it will surely be amusing for the people here, for whom politics is still the favorite form of entertainment.

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