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Law and Order

New York Pols

By Douglas E. Schoen

SINCE THE MIDDLE 1960's, while people in central cities have moved rightward politically. White ethnics have felt left out by liberal Democratic programs which offered relief primarily to blacks and Puerto Ricans. Because of gains by these groups, whites have felt increasingly threatened and have looked for politicians who will stem the tide.

The poverty program and the Model Cities program, set up by Congress in 1964 and 1965 designate specific areas where the government offers supplementary city services. Because of the large amount of attention generated by the civil rights movement. Congress felt it had to appease black and other minority groups. Thus the areas selected for federal programs have almost always included only the poorest ghetto areas, leaving the lower middle class whites to fend for themselves.

Whites in urban areas have looked to the conservative wing of the Democratic party and to the Republican party for a home. In Philadelphia they got support from tough talking former Police Chief Frank Rizzo. In Cleveland, the alternative to the primarily black Stokes machine proved to be conservative Republican Ralph Perk. Because of the steady influx of blacks into central cities, these whites are afraid of the proliferation of crime and are looking for law and order candidates.

In New York City, the situation was exacerbated in the 1960s by a mayor who also failed to recognize the growing frustration of the white middle class. John Lindsay reinforced the errors of the poverty program by speaking only about the problems of ghetto residents. His Little City Hall program operated only in black and Puerto Rican neighborhoods. He failed to get the snow removed in white middle class Queens Garbage collection was remarkably poor during the early years of his administration and his response was to appoint a Manhattan liberal to the post of administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency. Very recently, Lindsay has begun giving large sums of money to Irish and Italian groups to study their problems, but this effort comes far too late for it to make any impact.

The once liberal city has become increasingly conservative over the past eight years as many white Catholics have retained their Democratic registration but have deserted the party to vote for conservative or Republican candidates. There is little hope that the city will elect a liberal such as Lindsay in the 1973 mayoralty election. At this writing, it is doubtful that he will seek re-election.

PROBABLY THE MAIN contenders for the "second toughest job in America" are Bronx Congressman Mario Biaggi and Comptroller Abe Beame. The Democratic organization in the city would like to recycle Beame, who lost narrowly to Lindsay in 1965, but there are real questions whether the diminutive 5'2" Beame can hold the Jewish vote. As Bronx Democratic leader Pat Cunningham told a Harvard professor last week. "Let's face it. Beame's big problem is that he's mediocre."

To overcome a lack of personal appeal. Beame has concentrated his efforts over the last half year audition various city agencies trying to establish a reputation as a fiscal conservative. The comptroller has gotten excellent publicity lately, but it remains to be seen whether be can talk tough enough to reach the Democrats who are looking for a law and order candidate.

The strongest law and order candidate around is Biaggi. A former cop, Biaggi was wounded ten times in the course of duty, and is the most decorated policeman in the city's history. The Bronx congressman has a moderately liberal voting record, but because of his police background, he has been branded an arch-conservative similar to Philadelphia Mayor Frank Rizzo. In his campaign, Biaggi will have to present a set of clearly thought-out positions on issues to convince reluctant Jewish moderates that he is not a racist or far rightist.

Throughout his career, people have tried to link him to the Mafia and organized crime. While nothing has ever been proved against Biaggi, the smears will certainly continue throughout the campaign and they could damage his chances.

One candidate who has been tarnished already is the President of the City Council. Sandford Garelik. In a city where about 40 per cent of the voters in the Democratic primary are Jewish. Garelik has almost perfect credentials. He is Jewish and is former chief inspector of the Police Department. However, he does not have the strong personal appeal that Biaggi does and speaks quite poorly. Further the Knapp Commission which studied police corruption published a report that Garelik had accepted gratuities while on the force and this revelation puts a severe damper on his chances.

Another possible contender is Congressman Herman Badillo. Badillo will probably get the support of the New Democratic Coalition, the umbrella group of liberal Democrats in New York City. However, his strength will probably be limited to liberals in Manhattan, blacks and Puerto Ricans. In his race three years ago. Badillo ran well in Jewish districts. However, after the controversy over the Forest Hills housing project, it seems unlikely that Jews will be as willing to vote for a Puerto Rican.

THE DEMOCRATIC PRIMARY will be held in June. Because there is a run-off between the top two contenders, should no candidate get 40 per cent, there will probably be an additional vote held four weeks later. At this writing, there are a whole host of liberal Jewish candidates considering entering the contest. With two or three Manhattan liberal Jews in the field, the vote should be pretty well split in the first primary. Biaggi will probably finish second because of his organization support. Beame and Biaggi will probably face each other in a run-off with Beame and Biaggi would have to make substantial inroads in the Jewish community. The congressman is already making plans for that. He left for Russia Monday night to investigate the plight of Soviet Jewry.

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