Mike or Mark?

Mark Roosevelt '78 has an unusual problem for a politican. People know his name better than they know him.

Ironically, the great grandson of Theodore Roosevelt, Class of 1880, and grand-nephew of Franklin D. Roosevelt '04 will have to overcome his anonymity in the race for the Democratic nomination to be governnor of Massachusetts.

Or so goes the conventional wisdom.

Both supporters and critics of the 37-year-old state representative from Beacon Hill say it will take heavy campaigning for Roosevelt to defeat his only declared primary opponent, state Sen. Michael J. Barrett '70 (D-Cambridge). And it will be even more difficult for Roosevelt to successfully challenge the heavily-favored Republican incumbent, Gov. William F. Weld '66.

For his part, Roosevelt says he is better known in this election than Weld, a former U.S. attorney, was before he took office three years ago.

And besides, he adds the 1994 race for Massachussetts governor is not about name recognition but about issues--employment, taxes, education and Weld's performance during his four-year term.

Sitting in his sparsely-furnished Boston campaign headquarters, Roosevelt returns frequently to his main theme: jobs.

It is the staggering economy--and the resulting loss of 350,000 jobs in the past five years--that he wishes to emphasize.

Massachussetts, Roosevelt notes, has the highest rate of job loss in the nation because of Weld's passive approach to improving its anti-business climate, he says.

"Weld's rhetoric on...economic development has been fine...It's his performance that has been lacking," Roosevelt says as he leans back in a metal chair.

Roosevelt's focus on business underlies what the candidate sees as his centrist appeal.

Roosevelt, who has both bachelor's and law degrees from Harvard, is seeking the state's governorship on a moderate platform that includes support for increased education reform, reduced taxes and more employment opportunities, as well as opposition to legalized gambling in Boston.

While most of Roosevelt's supporters cite incumbent Weld as his main competitor, the young representative first needs to outshine Democratic opponent, Barrett, in the state primaries.

Some critics have derisively dubbed the two Harvard-educated Democratic state legislators "Mark and Mike." And the critics say the similarities of the two men, both relatively unknown compared to Weld, will eventually undermine both their chances in this year's race.

But Roosevelt says he is a more effective leader than Barrett, who is nearly 10 years his senior.

"I have much a better record of getting things done than [Barrett] does," Roosevelt says, citing the five major bills he has authored during his eight years in the state House of Representatives.

Although Roosevelt wrote the Massachusetts Childhood Hunger Relief Act in 1992 and the Gay and Lesbian Civil Rights Bill, signed in 1989, he says he is most proud of his most recent Education Reform Act.

The bill, passed last June, will provide $1.3 billion in additional state aid to public schools over the next seven years. It also sets the years. It also sets the statewide curriculum, testing and graduation standards and establishes sanctions for schools with consistently poor test results.

Roosevelt, who chairs the Committee on Education, Arts and Humanities, criticizes Weld for failing to implement the reforms listed in his bill since it was passed. As governor, Roosevelt says he would pursue the changes in education policy "much more aggressively" then Weld.

"Kids don't work hard enough. Schools don't work hard enough," Roosevelt says. "We're not challenging ourselves."

State Rep. Barbara Gardner (D-Holliston), who is vice chair of the education committee, says Roosevelt's "inclusive" approach to negotiating with the committee and his "unparalleled format" in introducing the education reforms in House sessions contributed to the bill's success.

"He put enormous amounts of effort and energy into this bill," Gardner says.

Roosevelt's critics have questioned how the educational reform bill will be funded, but the "no new taxes" Democrat says the state's budget of several billion dollars could be sufficient if the money was allocated correctly.

In this respect, Roosevelt agrees with his Democratic opponent Barrett, who also opposes raising taxes and criticizes Weld's unfulfilled promises to cut them.

"We don't need new taxes in Massachusetts," Roosevelt said. "We need a stable tax climate."

But Roosevelt's and Barrett's conservative stance on taxes--and on other issues, such as privatization--may provoke another candidate to enter the race.

Jim Braude, the executive director of the Tax Equity Alliance for Massachusetts, says he may run for governor because Roosevelt and Barrett are drifting too far to the right to compete successfully with Republican Weld.

Neither of the present Democratic candidates is an "unrepentant progressive who runs on the Democratic platform, not against it," says Braude, who is the husband of Harvard Union of Clerical and Technical Workers lead organizer Kris Rondeau.

Republicans say a Democrat who cold compete successfully with Weld needs to have a strong record on economic issues.

"I think [a Democratic candidate] would have to be somebody who was a moderate Democrat who had not only the talk of building the economy, but who had also demonstrated their ability to do that," State Sen. Jane M. Swift (R-North Adams) says. "In terms of former Democrats--pre-Weld--that's going to be a difficult case to make."

State legislators who support Roosevelt say Weld's mediocre record on economic issues should increase Roosevelt chances of winning the general election in November.

"Weld talks a good game, but I don't see [change] happening," Gardner says. "Weld really is at risk."

But Roosevelt's critics say Weld actually reversed the downward trend of the economy he inherited in 1991.

"Previous to Bill Weld's administration, we didn't have a government that acted like they wanted businesses in the state," Swift says. "I think Bill Weld has done a good job of opening the doors to businesses."

"We started to lose jobs in '89 when the recession kicked in," says Wallace Graham, public information director for the Massachusetts Department of Employment and Training. "[Weld] inherited the recession. Since that low point, it leveled off and we started showing job gains."

Between 1992 and 1993, Massachusetts showed a gain of 42,350 jobs, following a gain of 43,300 the previous year, Graham says.

The debate over Weld's management of the economy has led some to say that employment will not be a very significant political issue this year.

And Roosevelt says most of the issues in the campaign, including education reform and the Weld-backed proposal to bring gambling casinos to Boston harbor, defy labels of liberal or conservative.

Roosevelt condemns the Weld-endorsed plan to legalize gambling in Boston Harbor as "short-sighted" and as a catalyst for "cultural decay."

"It would be a tragic mistake to make Massachusetts the Las Vegas of the East," Roosevelt says.

The real issue at hand, Roosevelt says, is not party politics but effectiveness of leadership.

Weld follows public opinion without regard to the consequences, Roosevelt says. "He hasn't changed a slowmoving state government," the candidate says. If Roosevelt continues to empasize Weld's weaknesses and increase continues to emphasize Weld's weaknesses and increase his visibility, he will have a good chance in both the primaries and the general election.

"Weld, contrary to public opinion, is very vulnerable." Gardner says. "I think [Roosevelt's chances] are better than some of the candidates.

"Mark has a great shot at it," Gardner says. "He's worked with [Weld] closely. He understands his psyche."