From Harvard To Hell... And Back

When Durga Pokhrel was born in a small mountain village in Nepal, astrologers foretold that if she were born female, she would be as strong as a son. Appropriately named after the Hindu goddess of power, Durga went on to pursue a turbulent career as teacher, journalist and democratic and human rights activist in Nepal, during which her strength and constancy were severely tested. Contrary to the wishes of her conservative Hindu family, she became a scholar and university lecturer, but was blacklisted by the government for her political activities and eventually expelled from the university where she taught. She then turned to journalism to advance her beliefs, ultimately publishing a newspaper jointly with two other Nepali political activists.

But, in 1981, she was arrested on a trumped-up conspiracy charge and imprisoned for two years, effectively denied all the civil and legal rights that were hers by law. During her incarceration, she was forced to witness the horrific abuse of other, less respected women prisoners--particularly the mentally ill, who were treated worst of all--while herself enduring the unimaginable squalor and near-starvation conditions of jail, the Nepali government's "last priority."

Through it all, Pokhrel kept her faith in herself and her will to live, and made devoted friends in prison while her friends outside worked to set her free. She became an Amnesty International Prisoner of Conscience and was eventually released by the order of the king of Nepal. However, fearing future and possibly fatal persecution, she quietly fled to the U.S., where she attended Harvard's Kennedy School of Government as a Mason Fellow, and received an M.P.A. Later she received a Doctorate of Education from the Graduate School of Education.

At Harvard she also married Anthony Willett, co-author of Shadow over Shangri-La, her recently published memoir, whom she had first met in Nepal while he was doing fieldwork as a specialist in international rural development. A graduate of Cambridge University, at her encouragement Willett enrolled in Harvard's M.P.A. program while she was attending the Kennedy School. In 1988-89, they lived together as resident tutors in Currier House.

Shadow Over Shangri-La is partly an autobiography, in that Pokhrel describes her experiences in Nepal, as well as her life after moving to the United States. It is also a call for a different kind of government in Nepal, not a slavish imitation of Western-style regimes but a balanced fusion of old and new, monarchy and democracy, Western innovations and Hindu traditions. But it is also, and fundamentally, a universal story of suffering and perseverance, written for--and dedicated to--all victims of human rights abuse.

Q: Since writing Shadow Over Shangri-La, has your perception of the social and political conditions in Nepal changed in any way?

A: It has not changed at all. It is still the same because even though democracy has been imposed, the people from the authoritarian regime are sharing power with the democrats, overshadowing the democratic forces. But it is a great achievement. There is freedom of expression: I could write my book in Nepal now; I might have personal enemies but not government enemies. The king has [effectively] stepped down... he is a consitutional monarch now. Those are very good changes... but in terms of people's lives, it is the same.

Q: Do you think that the condition of human rights has improved since the old regime was toppled in 1990?

A: For a while they did, in the beginning, in 1992; there was democracy for a few years. But since then, the human rights situation has not improved. It is in my book, about how people in prison were treated. It has not changed. I talked to the home secretary, and he said, "Jail is the last priority" [for the government].

Q: You appear to believe very strongly that Western-style democratic principles cannot be forced on Nepal from the outside, but that change must come from within Nepal itself. What role, if any, do you think other countries should play in the protection of human rights--and cases such as your own?

A: On the government level, foreign aid. They should be very careful how and where they give it. There are also many non-governmental organizations that give aid, and they should think before giving whether [it is] really spent in the right way... they should be very careful who they support, neither very leftist nor very rightist groups. Democracy should not be imposed from the outside, not from the West, because there will be a very strong reaction against it. To make it neutral, [there should not be] political influence.

Q: Do you think that your social caste and education affected the way you were treated even as you were being denied your basic human rights?

A: It did help me. You know there were other people accused with me of a conspiracy to kidnap the crown prince. Three or four of them were just killed, and there was one, who comes from a very poor background and never had connections or education or anything--he spent ten years in jail. Amnesty International and other human rights organizations knew of me and adopted me. But this other man was not released for such a long time. That always happened in Nepal: the main leaders [of a rebellion] were not killed, but innocent people who threw a bomb here or there were. This happened everywhere.

Q: In your book, you wrote that "Nepal needs a vision," and went on to describe a new society that would fuse Western influences and Hindu traditions. Do you think such an ideal is possible and achievable?

A: I think so. [Since] coming here, my ideas of spirituality have become even stronger. Look at American society: so much disorientation...few people have any ideas of spirituality. What happened to the connection between mind and body? In Nepal, we still have some kind of connection, but the need is even stronger. Some want to be like the Americans and British in everything. We can take their advancements, but not their social system.

Q: How should the people of Nepal go about trying to build the "right" kind of society?

A: On the local level they are practicing it. The only problem is [imposing it] on a national level, to have someone with a national vision, to have the government encourage people to go on and do what they are doing. It can be done; it is not a new idea, but if the government reinforces it, that will be best.

Q: Overall, what do you feel was the most valuable lesson you learned from your own experiences in Nepal?

A: Whatever you are doing, if it is for a good cause, you must sustain yourself. You have to be stronger no matter where you are. Don't lose your mind. This is why spirituality is so important. You have to sustain yourself, be strong, no matter what trouble comes into your life.

Q: What are some personal goals and plans you still have for the future?

A: I am writing two more books on this subject, human rights. One book is almost finished. After that, I want to write two more books, one about how you raise your children in Western society, and the other about how a foreigner perceives American society and way of life. Also, my children want to write children's books with me. Then, in a couple of years we will go back to Nepal.

Q: Do you plan to return to Nepal permanently?

A: Yes. I want to go back permanently. I still have a job there (laughs); I was a professor, you know, and I have been reinstated at the university where I used to teach. I love teaching. I want to go back permanently because I want to do what I have said in my book. I want to practice there.

Q: What kind of message do you hope your book conveys to the rest of the world, especially those who know little or nothing of Nepal's history?

A: It is not a story of Nepal. It is a story of a survivor of human rights abuse. It could be anywhere, anybody: maybe they were killed and they can't tell their story; maybe they can't write about it... It is a human's story, a woman's story, [a woman] who suffered. You don't need to know anything about Nepal. The second book I am writing now is about women who were socio-economic victims of their government. It is not just political... . Anybody could be in this situation.