Formosan Unity

As long as Chiang Kai-shek regarded an invasion of the mainland as imminent, the problem of winning the friendship of the Formosans was lightly regarded. But in recent months two events-the Chinese reds increased attacks on Chiang's offshore islands and President Eisenhower's refusal to support a nationalist invasion of the mainland-have changed Formosa from an offensive base into a "beleaguered fortress," a status which it will probably hold for some time. And in this prolonged war of nerves, the strength of Formosan Chinese Nationalist relations will largely determine the future of the island.

Clriang Kai-shek's prestige on Formosa was at a low level when he was forced from the mainland in 1949. A group of Chinese "carpetbaggers," immediately after Japan's surrender, had gained control of 90 percent of the island's economic enterprises and had substituted Chinese technicians and civil officials for Formosans, irrespective of their abilities. Incited by there resulting inflation and the oppressive Chinese government, the Formosans rebelled in 1947. The uprising was brutally surprised-nearly ten thousand Formosans lost their lives-but it did lead to a more enlightened rule until 1949, when Chiang again restored martial law temporarily to the island.

An influx of over one million Nationalist Chinese in late 1949 seemed destined to heighten discontent on the island. The agricultural problem was particularly serious because Formosa had only two million acres of arable land, already fully cultivated, to feed a population which had expanded almost four times itself in the last fifty years. Foreseeing a possible scarcity of foodstuffs, Chiang sold public lands, reduced the size of many large estates, and lowered land taxes. Within almost equalled the highest pre-war figure, Industry, badly mismanaged under earlier Chinese rule, also expanded; exports rose by over a third, though international trade is still under the direction of the government. Military expenses are so heavy, however, that the government has sold nearly all its gold and used American aid to cover its expenditures. Nearly all the gold is gone now, so continued U.S. financial assistance is necessary for the country's economic stability.

Chaing Kai-shek's political reforms are more controversial. An increased number of Formosans are now in all grades of the civil service. The National Legislature, which formerly drafted laws under instruction, now questions ministers, examines the budget and initiates legislation. Chiang Kai-shek can still dismiss the legislature, however, with only the slightest pretext. Most of the country's political power still comes down from the bureaucracy, rather than up from the legislature. Though more Formosans now hold political office, the Kuomintang party machine determines the results of any election.

But island natives evidently are reconciled to political supervision. Formosans soon will enter the nationalist army, an indication that Chiang's reforms have at least partially conciliated the native population. There is no guarantee, however, that these inductees, who will form an increasingly larger part of the army as the nationalists grow older, will fight willingly. Nor is there any certainty that the Formosans will accept another Nationalist Chinese ruler, once Chiang dies. But the extent to which Chiang can continue his reforms and bring Formosans into his government will largely determine the outcome of these issues.