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Marchers Coolly Received in Washington

By Joseph M. Rubbin, (Special to the CRIMSON)

WASHINGTON, D.C., Feb. 16--Official today greeted delegations of students from more than 100 colleges with cordiality and sometimes with . For many students, the day was experience.

the visiting students did receive responses from several previously- Congressmen, and despite a surprising confrontation with four top White officials, most Congressional offices were cool towards Project Washington and its statements.

Discouraged, Todd A. Gitlin '63, Tocsin chairman, told the demonstrators, "We will have tangible results.

Perjhaps the biggest setback the students was at a special, closed meeting of State officials and top leaders of the C. Goldmark '62, chairman of Tocsin, the conference at State "one of the most experiences of my life. Our reaction of amazement."

According to one leader, the State Department officials "deliberately insulted all of us, and used very little tact. It was obvious that they had not bothered to read our policy statement."

Goldmark, who had hoped the meeting would provide an "exchange of views" and give the students a chance to "present proposals and suggestions," said the three-hour session consisted of five "naive" lectures, which implied the students were "not very intelligent" and unaware of reality.

The explosive conference ended with Tocsin members "angry, insulted, and shocked."

Far more satisfying was a private meeting with McGeorge Bundy, Jerome Weisner, Theodore Sorenson, and Mark Ruskin at the White House. Goldmark reported: "We were given a chance to discuss some of our proposals. We emerged much more sure of ourselves, because the Administration is apparently planning to employ some of the initiative we are suggesting."

He listed posible withdrawal from advanced overseas missile bases and more active work through the U.N. as areas of agreement between the Project and the Administration.

President Kennedy sent a message to the Project leaders, thanking them for the support they are giving to some of his proposals, but was unable to meet in person with the students.

While only a few specially prepared students participated in the State Department and White House meetings, several hundred of the demonstrators ascended Capitol Hill to keep appointments with more than 300 Congressmen and their aides. Despite the fact that many students were encouraged by their visits, a great many of the meetings deteriorated into interviews rather than discussions, with the students finding the political atmosphere for their proposals nearly as chilly as the snowy Washington weather.

Although Goldmark reported that Bundy and others at the White House meeting strongly maintained that a final decision on the resumption of atmospheric testing has not been made, sources in the Senate indicated that U.S. tests in the near future are a certainty. Few Senators were persuaded by their visitors of the inadvisability of continued testing.

The most violent reaction against the Project was expressed by Senator John O. Pastore (D-R.I.), vice-chairman of the Joint Committee on Atomic Energy.

Pastore, who refused to meet with Project representatives, told CRIMSON correspondent Bruce L. Paisner '64 in an exclusive interview that the testing controversy must be settled "by clear heads knowing all the facts," not by "an emotional outburst."

Pastore said that "from the information available to me, it is my conviction that some atmospheric testing is necessary." The Rhode Island Senator said the student protestors "have been carried off by cliches and slogans." He observed that "they haven't dealt with the Russians," and therefore "cannot know our problems."

He charged that the demonstration "questioned the ability of chosen leaders to make calm, deliberate decisions," and claimed that Senators Russell, Anderson, and Jackson, as well as Representative Holifeild, agreed with his anti-Project sentiments.

Several New York Congressmen, such as Robert W. Kastenmeier, were more sympathetic towards the intellectual goals of the drive. Kastenmeier, though, hammered at the "ineffectiveness of picketing and notionalism for its own sake."

Oregon's outspoken Senator Wayne Morse met with a large delegation but bluntly told them: "I don't think the U.S. and the Soviet Union can reach an agreement on disarmament."

Morse stated that disarmament was only possible "under the supervision of a third party--the U.N." He declared that the uncommitted and weaker nations must "lay down the law" to the U.S. and Russia.

Admitting, though, that the "world isn't ready for this kind of scheme," Morse labeled the failure of the neutrals at the Belgrade Conference to condemn Russian testing as the "biggest tragedy of the year."

Because disarmament "is not possible now," Morse told the students that he would vote "not happily" for resumed testing due to his Senatorial responsibility to maintain the "security of our country." He called "all testing immoral" but explained that testing was essential to prove the small, as yet untried, war-heads on solid-fuel missiles and anti-missile missiles.

Other Senators told the students that resumed testing was a necessary psychological tool in the cold war, but insisted that only the President is competent to decide the issue.

On other points in the policy statement, though, the students found pockets of support, particularly on the Democratic side of the aisle. Endorsement of U.N. bond purchases and disapproval of the proposed shelter program were favorably received.

Nonetheless, Congressional spokesmen admitted that even mass action such as Project Washington stands little chance of seriously influencing Congressional thought. "If they could prove they represented an overwhelming majority," one legislative aide commented, "then we might be swayed." A check of offices on the Hill revealed that mail is generally running heavily in favor of resumed testing. Several aides pointed out that the Project would gain in influence if it could affect the mail ratio.

With few exceptions, though, the students were applauded for "expressing their views publicly." A spokesmen for HUAC said that Committee is watching the Project "with a great deal of interest.

the visiting students did receive responses from several previously- Congressmen, and despite a surprising confrontation with four top White officials, most Congressional offices were cool towards Project Washington and its statements.

Discouraged, Todd A. Gitlin '63, Tocsin chairman, told the demonstrators, "We will have tangible results.

Perjhaps the biggest setback the students was at a special, closed meeting of State officials and top leaders of the C. Goldmark '62, chairman of Tocsin, the conference at State "one of the most experiences of my life. Our reaction of amazement."

According to one leader, the State Department officials "deliberately insulted all of us, and used very little tact. It was obvious that they had not bothered to read our policy statement."

Goldmark, who had hoped the meeting would provide an "exchange of views" and give the students a chance to "present proposals and suggestions," said the three-hour session consisted of five "naive" lectures, which implied the students were "not very intelligent" and unaware of reality.

The explosive conference ended with Tocsin members "angry, insulted, and shocked."

Far more satisfying was a private meeting with McGeorge Bundy, Jerome Weisner, Theodore Sorenson, and Mark Ruskin at the White House. Goldmark reported: "We were given a chance to discuss some of our proposals. We emerged much more sure of ourselves, because the Administration is apparently planning to employ some of the initiative we are suggesting."

He listed posible withdrawal from advanced overseas missile bases and more active work through the U.N. as areas of agreement between the Project and the Administration.

President Kennedy sent a message to the Project leaders, thanking them for the support they are giving to some of his proposals, but was unable to meet in person with the students.

While only a few specially prepared students participated in the State Department and White House meetings, several hundred of the demonstrators ascended Capitol Hill to keep appointments with more than 300 Congressmen and their aides. Despite the fact that many students were encouraged by their visits, a great many of the meetings deteriorated into interviews rather than discussions, with the students finding the political atmosphere for their proposals nearly as chilly as the snowy Washington weather.

Although Goldmark reported that Bundy and others at the White House meeting strongly maintained that a final decision on the resumption of atmospheric testing has not been made, sources in the Senate indicated that U.S. tests in the near future are a certainty. Few Senators were persuaded by their visitors of the inadvisability of continued testing.

The most violent reaction against the Project was expressed by Senator John O. Pastore (D-R.I.), vice-chairman of the Joint Committee on Atomic Energy.

Pastore, who refused to meet with Project representatives, told CRIMSON correspondent Bruce L. Paisner '64 in an exclusive interview that the testing controversy must be settled "by clear heads knowing all the facts," not by "an emotional outburst."

Pastore said that "from the information available to me, it is my conviction that some atmospheric testing is necessary." The Rhode Island Senator said the student protestors "have been carried off by cliches and slogans." He observed that "they haven't dealt with the Russians," and therefore "cannot know our problems."

He charged that the demonstration "questioned the ability of chosen leaders to make calm, deliberate decisions," and claimed that Senators Russell, Anderson, and Jackson, as well as Representative Holifeild, agreed with his anti-Project sentiments.

Several New York Congressmen, such as Robert W. Kastenmeier, were more sympathetic towards the intellectual goals of the drive. Kastenmeier, though, hammered at the "ineffectiveness of picketing and notionalism for its own sake."

Oregon's outspoken Senator Wayne Morse met with a large delegation but bluntly told them: "I don't think the U.S. and the Soviet Union can reach an agreement on disarmament."

Morse stated that disarmament was only possible "under the supervision of a third party--the U.N." He declared that the uncommitted and weaker nations must "lay down the law" to the U.S. and Russia.

Admitting, though, that the "world isn't ready for this kind of scheme," Morse labeled the failure of the neutrals at the Belgrade Conference to condemn Russian testing as the "biggest tragedy of the year."

Because disarmament "is not possible now," Morse told the students that he would vote "not happily" for resumed testing due to his Senatorial responsibility to maintain the "security of our country." He called "all testing immoral" but explained that testing was essential to prove the small, as yet untried, war-heads on solid-fuel missiles and anti-missile missiles.

Other Senators told the students that resumed testing was a necessary psychological tool in the cold war, but insisted that only the President is competent to decide the issue.

On other points in the policy statement, though, the students found pockets of support, particularly on the Democratic side of the aisle. Endorsement of U.N. bond purchases and disapproval of the proposed shelter program were favorably received.

Nonetheless, Congressional spokesmen admitted that even mass action such as Project Washington stands little chance of seriously influencing Congressional thought. "If they could prove they represented an overwhelming majority," one legislative aide commented, "then we might be swayed." A check of offices on the Hill revealed that mail is generally running heavily in favor of resumed testing. Several aides pointed out that the Project would gain in influence if it could affect the mail ratio.

With few exceptions, though, the students were applauded for "expressing their views publicly." A spokesmen for HUAC said that Committee is watching the Project "with a great deal of interest.

Discouraged, Todd A. Gitlin '63, Tocsin chairman, told the demonstrators, "We will have tangible results.

Perjhaps the biggest setback the students was at a special, closed meeting of State officials and top leaders of the C. Goldmark '62, chairman of Tocsin, the conference at State "one of the most experiences of my life. Our reaction of amazement."

According to one leader, the State Department officials "deliberately insulted all of us, and used very little tact. It was obvious that they had not bothered to read our policy statement."

Goldmark, who had hoped the meeting would provide an "exchange of views" and give the students a chance to "present proposals and suggestions," said the three-hour session consisted of five "naive" lectures, which implied the students were "not very intelligent" and unaware of reality.

The explosive conference ended with Tocsin members "angry, insulted, and shocked."

Far more satisfying was a private meeting with McGeorge Bundy, Jerome Weisner, Theodore Sorenson, and Mark Ruskin at the White House. Goldmark reported: "We were given a chance to discuss some of our proposals. We emerged much more sure of ourselves, because the Administration is apparently planning to employ some of the initiative we are suggesting."

He listed posible withdrawal from advanced overseas missile bases and more active work through the U.N. as areas of agreement between the Project and the Administration.

President Kennedy sent a message to the Project leaders, thanking them for the support they are giving to some of his proposals, but was unable to meet in person with the students.

While only a few specially prepared students participated in the State Department and White House meetings, several hundred of the demonstrators ascended Capitol Hill to keep appointments with more than 300 Congressmen and their aides. Despite the fact that many students were encouraged by their visits, a great many of the meetings deteriorated into interviews rather than discussions, with the students finding the political atmosphere for their proposals nearly as chilly as the snowy Washington weather.

Although Goldmark reported that Bundy and others at the White House meeting strongly maintained that a final decision on the resumption of atmospheric testing has not been made, sources in the Senate indicated that U.S. tests in the near future are a certainty. Few Senators were persuaded by their visitors of the inadvisability of continued testing.

The most violent reaction against the Project was expressed by Senator John O. Pastore (D-R.I.), vice-chairman of the Joint Committee on Atomic Energy.

Pastore, who refused to meet with Project representatives, told CRIMSON correspondent Bruce L. Paisner '64 in an exclusive interview that the testing controversy must be settled "by clear heads knowing all the facts," not by "an emotional outburst."

Pastore said that "from the information available to me, it is my conviction that some atmospheric testing is necessary." The Rhode Island Senator said the student protestors "have been carried off by cliches and slogans." He observed that "they haven't dealt with the Russians," and therefore "cannot know our problems."

He charged that the demonstration "questioned the ability of chosen leaders to make calm, deliberate decisions," and claimed that Senators Russell, Anderson, and Jackson, as well as Representative Holifeild, agreed with his anti-Project sentiments.

Several New York Congressmen, such as Robert W. Kastenmeier, were more sympathetic towards the intellectual goals of the drive. Kastenmeier, though, hammered at the "ineffectiveness of picketing and notionalism for its own sake."

Oregon's outspoken Senator Wayne Morse met with a large delegation but bluntly told them: "I don't think the U.S. and the Soviet Union can reach an agreement on disarmament."

Morse stated that disarmament was only possible "under the supervision of a third party--the U.N." He declared that the uncommitted and weaker nations must "lay down the law" to the U.S. and Russia.

Admitting, though, that the "world isn't ready for this kind of scheme," Morse labeled the failure of the neutrals at the Belgrade Conference to condemn Russian testing as the "biggest tragedy of the year."

Because disarmament "is not possible now," Morse told the students that he would vote "not happily" for resumed testing due to his Senatorial responsibility to maintain the "security of our country." He called "all testing immoral" but explained that testing was essential to prove the small, as yet untried, war-heads on solid-fuel missiles and anti-missile missiles.

Other Senators told the students that resumed testing was a necessary psychological tool in the cold war, but insisted that only the President is competent to decide the issue.

On other points in the policy statement, though, the students found pockets of support, particularly on the Democratic side of the aisle. Endorsement of U.N. bond purchases and disapproval of the proposed shelter program were favorably received.

Nonetheless, Congressional spokesmen admitted that even mass action such as Project Washington stands little chance of seriously influencing Congressional thought. "If they could prove they represented an overwhelming majority," one legislative aide commented, "then we might be swayed." A check of offices on the Hill revealed that mail is generally running heavily in favor of resumed testing. Several aides pointed out that the Project would gain in influence if it could affect the mail ratio.

With few exceptions, though, the students were applauded for "expressing their views publicly." A spokesmen for HUAC said that Committee is watching the Project "with a great deal of interest.

Perjhaps the biggest setback the students was at a special, closed meeting of State officials and top leaders of the C. Goldmark '62, chairman of Tocsin, the conference at State "one of the most experiences of my life. Our reaction of amazement."

According to one leader, the State Department officials "deliberately insulted all of us, and used very little tact. It was obvious that they had not bothered to read our policy statement."

Goldmark, who had hoped the meeting would provide an "exchange of views" and give the students a chance to "present proposals and suggestions," said the three-hour session consisted of five "naive" lectures, which implied the students were "not very intelligent" and unaware of reality.

The explosive conference ended with Tocsin members "angry, insulted, and shocked."

Far more satisfying was a private meeting with McGeorge Bundy, Jerome Weisner, Theodore Sorenson, and Mark Ruskin at the White House. Goldmark reported: "We were given a chance to discuss some of our proposals. We emerged much more sure of ourselves, because the Administration is apparently planning to employ some of the initiative we are suggesting."

He listed posible withdrawal from advanced overseas missile bases and more active work through the U.N. as areas of agreement between the Project and the Administration.

President Kennedy sent a message to the Project leaders, thanking them for the support they are giving to some of his proposals, but was unable to meet in person with the students.

While only a few specially prepared students participated in the State Department and White House meetings, several hundred of the demonstrators ascended Capitol Hill to keep appointments with more than 300 Congressmen and their aides. Despite the fact that many students were encouraged by their visits, a great many of the meetings deteriorated into interviews rather than discussions, with the students finding the political atmosphere for their proposals nearly as chilly as the snowy Washington weather.

Although Goldmark reported that Bundy and others at the White House meeting strongly maintained that a final decision on the resumption of atmospheric testing has not been made, sources in the Senate indicated that U.S. tests in the near future are a certainty. Few Senators were persuaded by their visitors of the inadvisability of continued testing.

The most violent reaction against the Project was expressed by Senator John O. Pastore (D-R.I.), vice-chairman of the Joint Committee on Atomic Energy.

Pastore, who refused to meet with Project representatives, told CRIMSON correspondent Bruce L. Paisner '64 in an exclusive interview that the testing controversy must be settled "by clear heads knowing all the facts," not by "an emotional outburst."

Pastore said that "from the information available to me, it is my conviction that some atmospheric testing is necessary." The Rhode Island Senator said the student protestors "have been carried off by cliches and slogans." He observed that "they haven't dealt with the Russians," and therefore "cannot know our problems."

He charged that the demonstration "questioned the ability of chosen leaders to make calm, deliberate decisions," and claimed that Senators Russell, Anderson, and Jackson, as well as Representative Holifeild, agreed with his anti-Project sentiments.

Several New York Congressmen, such as Robert W. Kastenmeier, were more sympathetic towards the intellectual goals of the drive. Kastenmeier, though, hammered at the "ineffectiveness of picketing and notionalism for its own sake."

Oregon's outspoken Senator Wayne Morse met with a large delegation but bluntly told them: "I don't think the U.S. and the Soviet Union can reach an agreement on disarmament."

Morse stated that disarmament was only possible "under the supervision of a third party--the U.N." He declared that the uncommitted and weaker nations must "lay down the law" to the U.S. and Russia.

Admitting, though, that the "world isn't ready for this kind of scheme," Morse labeled the failure of the neutrals at the Belgrade Conference to condemn Russian testing as the "biggest tragedy of the year."

Because disarmament "is not possible now," Morse told the students that he would vote "not happily" for resumed testing due to his Senatorial responsibility to maintain the "security of our country." He called "all testing immoral" but explained that testing was essential to prove the small, as yet untried, war-heads on solid-fuel missiles and anti-missile missiles.

Other Senators told the students that resumed testing was a necessary psychological tool in the cold war, but insisted that only the President is competent to decide the issue.

On other points in the policy statement, though, the students found pockets of support, particularly on the Democratic side of the aisle. Endorsement of U.N. bond purchases and disapproval of the proposed shelter program were favorably received.

Nonetheless, Congressional spokesmen admitted that even mass action such as Project Washington stands little chance of seriously influencing Congressional thought. "If they could prove they represented an overwhelming majority," one legislative aide commented, "then we might be swayed." A check of offices on the Hill revealed that mail is generally running heavily in favor of resumed testing. Several aides pointed out that the Project would gain in influence if it could affect the mail ratio.

With few exceptions, though, the students were applauded for "expressing their views publicly." A spokesmen for HUAC said that Committee is watching the Project "with a great deal of interest.

According to one leader, the State Department officials "deliberately insulted all of us, and used very little tact. It was obvious that they had not bothered to read our policy statement."

Goldmark, who had hoped the meeting would provide an "exchange of views" and give the students a chance to "present proposals and suggestions," said the three-hour session consisted of five "naive" lectures, which implied the students were "not very intelligent" and unaware of reality.

The explosive conference ended with Tocsin members "angry, insulted, and shocked."

Far more satisfying was a private meeting with McGeorge Bundy, Jerome Weisner, Theodore Sorenson, and Mark Ruskin at the White House. Goldmark reported: "We were given a chance to discuss some of our proposals. We emerged much more sure of ourselves, because the Administration is apparently planning to employ some of the initiative we are suggesting."

He listed posible withdrawal from advanced overseas missile bases and more active work through the U.N. as areas of agreement between the Project and the Administration.

President Kennedy sent a message to the Project leaders, thanking them for the support they are giving to some of his proposals, but was unable to meet in person with the students.

While only a few specially prepared students participated in the State Department and White House meetings, several hundred of the demonstrators ascended Capitol Hill to keep appointments with more than 300 Congressmen and their aides. Despite the fact that many students were encouraged by their visits, a great many of the meetings deteriorated into interviews rather than discussions, with the students finding the political atmosphere for their proposals nearly as chilly as the snowy Washington weather.

Although Goldmark reported that Bundy and others at the White House meeting strongly maintained that a final decision on the resumption of atmospheric testing has not been made, sources in the Senate indicated that U.S. tests in the near future are a certainty. Few Senators were persuaded by their visitors of the inadvisability of continued testing.

The most violent reaction against the Project was expressed by Senator John O. Pastore (D-R.I.), vice-chairman of the Joint Committee on Atomic Energy.

Pastore, who refused to meet with Project representatives, told CRIMSON correspondent Bruce L. Paisner '64 in an exclusive interview that the testing controversy must be settled "by clear heads knowing all the facts," not by "an emotional outburst."

Pastore said that "from the information available to me, it is my conviction that some atmospheric testing is necessary." The Rhode Island Senator said the student protestors "have been carried off by cliches and slogans." He observed that "they haven't dealt with the Russians," and therefore "cannot know our problems."

He charged that the demonstration "questioned the ability of chosen leaders to make calm, deliberate decisions," and claimed that Senators Russell, Anderson, and Jackson, as well as Representative Holifeild, agreed with his anti-Project sentiments.

Several New York Congressmen, such as Robert W. Kastenmeier, were more sympathetic towards the intellectual goals of the drive. Kastenmeier, though, hammered at the "ineffectiveness of picketing and notionalism for its own sake."

Oregon's outspoken Senator Wayne Morse met with a large delegation but bluntly told them: "I don't think the U.S. and the Soviet Union can reach an agreement on disarmament."

Morse stated that disarmament was only possible "under the supervision of a third party--the U.N." He declared that the uncommitted and weaker nations must "lay down the law" to the U.S. and Russia.

Admitting, though, that the "world isn't ready for this kind of scheme," Morse labeled the failure of the neutrals at the Belgrade Conference to condemn Russian testing as the "biggest tragedy of the year."

Because disarmament "is not possible now," Morse told the students that he would vote "not happily" for resumed testing due to his Senatorial responsibility to maintain the "security of our country." He called "all testing immoral" but explained that testing was essential to prove the small, as yet untried, war-heads on solid-fuel missiles and anti-missile missiles.

Other Senators told the students that resumed testing was a necessary psychological tool in the cold war, but insisted that only the President is competent to decide the issue.

On other points in the policy statement, though, the students found pockets of support, particularly on the Democratic side of the aisle. Endorsement of U.N. bond purchases and disapproval of the proposed shelter program were favorably received.

Nonetheless, Congressional spokesmen admitted that even mass action such as Project Washington stands little chance of seriously influencing Congressional thought. "If they could prove they represented an overwhelming majority," one legislative aide commented, "then we might be swayed." A check of offices on the Hill revealed that mail is generally running heavily in favor of resumed testing. Several aides pointed out that the Project would gain in influence if it could affect the mail ratio.

With few exceptions, though, the students were applauded for "expressing their views publicly." A spokesmen for HUAC said that Committee is watching the Project "with a great deal of interest.

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