Civil Rights

The Mason-Dixon line runs squarely down the center of the Republican civil right plank. We believe, say the Republicans, in "enacting federal legislation to further just and equitable treatment in the area of discriminatory employment practices." This takes care of the North. But, the Republicans go on, "Federal action should not duplicate state efforts to end such practices, should not set up another huger bureaucracy." And this satisfies the South. Actually, the Republicans have taken no stand on federal FEPC at all, nor on anti-poll tax, anti-lynching, and anti-filibuster legislation.

Since the beginning of the campaign, General Eisenhower has been pussyfooting up and down this plank, as he goes from North to South. Below the mythical line, voters have left the General's rallies impressed that with him in the White House the federal government would be more concerned with cleaning out Washington "messes" than those in Texas and South Carolina. To the people in Harlem, the General pictures himself as a modern Joshua, itching for the opportunity to blow down the walls of discrimination with a few well-spaced trumpet blasts. Those who read all the General's speeches, regardless of geographical location, have given up in utter confusion.

On the other hand, the Democratic platform is quite specific. "We pledge enactment of federal legislation prohibiting discrimination in employment because of race, color, religion, or national origin and establishment of a federal agency to enforce that prohibition." The plank also advocates legislation against segregation in inter-state transportation, against the poll tax, and against lynching. Governor Stevenson has not shied away from this plank. Not only in Harlem, but in Texas, Virginia, and other states, Stevenson has reiterated this stand on federal civil rights legislation. And Stevenson's civil rights record in Illinois, where he pushed through an FEPC law, testifies to his sincerity.

To draw fire away from their own ambiguous an inadequate stand, Republicans have been pointing to John Sparkman, predicting he will try to block FEPC, if elected. Admittedly, Sparkman's civil rights record has not been good; it has been a reflection of his constituents. But Sparkman, who has an otherwise excellent voting record, wrote the Democrats' civil rights plank. Like Hugo Black, who was also a senator from Alabama, Sparkman promises to be a champion of civil rights, once away form his electorate. There is no reason, however, to expect Senator Nixon to change. Although he represents California, a liberal state, Nixon cast his vote against FEPC during the last session of Congress.

The need for civil rights legislation is, perhaps, greater now than ever before--not only to strengthen the nation's democracy but to bolster its reputation in Asia and Europe. And since there is little chance of southern states enacting their own FEPC, the federal government must press the issue strongly. The Democrats promise to; the Republicans don't.