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Towards a Nobler End

By Hoon-jung Kim

Forgiveness is one tough cookie. But because people are inherently imperfect, there often arises a need to either forgive or receive forgiveness. An unwillingness to forgive often (if not always) backfires and creates more pain, and holding grudges can separate families, end friendships and even divide countries.

Kim Dae Jung, President of South Korea, was named this year's Nobel Peace Prize winner, in large part because of his lifelong fight for two goals: the democratization of his country and the reunification of the Koreas.

His ability to rise above a common human tendency toward self-righteousness and self-interest helped him survive a four-decade long struggle for peace and freedom under authoritarian rule. Kim's outspoken crusades against the government brought him years of torture, imprisonment and multiple attempts on his life.

He created such a following by the early '70s that authoritarian leaders tried to have a truck kill him on the highway. When that attempt only injured Kim, Korean intelligence officers were sent to drown him at sea. With concrete blocks tied to his feet, he was moments from death when American officials in Seoul came to the rescue. His third encounter with death came in 1980, when a court ordered him to be hanged on charges of treason. International pressure again saved him, reducing his sentence to life in prison.

Kim's style of politics--one of collaboration and reconciliation--has been a completely new experience for the country.

South Korea's geographic lines and regional hatreds have long determined the principal concentrations of its political parties (similar to the Republican party's near ownership of the Southern states). Kim addressed regional discrimination by appointing members from other parties (and thus, regions) to high-ranking positions on his cabinet. To further national reconciliation, Kim pardoned over one million political prisoners, including former President Chun Doo Whan, who had ordered the attempts on Kim's life in the '70s.

Regarding policies toward North Korea, Kim's "sunshine policy" replaced the old government stance, which called for unification through "absorption" of the North. Kim's policy states that in the absence of military provocation from the North, the South will be open to communication, cooperation and non-violence between the two countries. The sunshine policy has been credited for easing tensions between the countries and ultimately creating a climate that allowed the historic summit meetings between Kim and the leader of North Korea, Kim Jong Il to take place in June. At the conclusion of those talks, the two Kims signed an agreement, which established that the two would work together to "achieve this goal [of reunification]."

Koreans from both the North and the South are now beginning to see each other as fellow brothers and sisters instead of enemies. In August, North Korea and South Korea each selected 100 individuals who were separated from their families by the Korean War for reunions in Seoul. I remember seeing video clips on the news at home and feeling the tears come out of my eyes as I listened to sounds of uncontrollable emotion. Young mothers who had been separated by their infant sons were now 80 year-old grandmothers, embracing middle-aged adults. A newly-wed couple that was torn apart was now seeing each other again for the first time in 50 years. Both governments were unprepared for the impact the reunions had on people in both countries; future reunions are in the works.

The June summit has clearly laid an initial groundwork for peace on the Korean peninsula, but much remains to be done.

U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright and Kim Jong Il held their own talks last week, which resulted in a promise by North Korea to curb its missile operations in exchange for food, medical supplies and other forms of assistance by the U.S.

While the tentative agreement proposed by Albright is clearly in the interests of both countries, the significance of strict "national interests" is eroding daily as the exchange of everything from information to currencies to products is continually becoming more global. Increasingly, countries are becoming more like organs of one body, as stronger economic ties make each country's health dependent on that of its trading partners. Aid to other countries can no longer be separate from domestic interests. But regardless of any direct profits the U.S. might reap from its assistance in the peace process, a more important motive for its involvement in the Korean peninsula should be a higher commitment to peace.

The potential for unification of the Koreas will ultimately depend on the collective willingness of the leaders of all the countries that have a direct interest in the Korean peninsula (the two Koreas, the U.S., China and Japan) to put peace first on their agenda. It will be the endurance, capacity to forgive and the humanity of the group as a whole that will make or break prospects for peace. And if the group succeeds, the impact of their efforts will transcend any honor or prize.

Hoon-Jung Kim '01 is a social studies concentrator in Leverett House. Her column appears on alternate Mondays.

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